Looking back on the the Schleswig-Holstein wars in the mid 19th century, Lord Palmerston quipped:

The Schleswig-Holstein question is so complicated, only three men in Europe have ever understood it. One was Prince Albert, who is dead. The second was a German professor who became mad. I am the third and I have forgotten all about it.

Palmerston was making a joke of the fact that in many of Europe’s conflicts, the belligerents don’t understand what they are fighting about.

Britain, France, and Germany have never understood Russia, and their policies towards Russia have always been bloody-minded, murderous, and stupid. Consider that the rationale for the Crimean War (1853-56) was to reduce Russia’s growing influence within a region that had long been controlled by the Ottoman Empire. In other words, the geniuses in London preferred the weak rule of Ottoman slave traders in the Black Sea to that of the Christian Czar Nicholas I.

In 1812, Napoleon’s advisor, Armand-Augustin-Louis de Caulaincourt, as well as his ex-wife Josephine (whose counsel he had usually valued) begged him not to invade Russia, but he refused to listen to then.

Because of his obstinate pride, he failed to recognize the obvious trap that Russian commander General Mikhail Kutuzov set for him—namely, that of strategic retreat deep into Russia with winter setting in, thereby overextending the French supply lines and letting the Russian winter do most of the grim work on French soldiers.

After declaring war on Russia in August 1914, Germany and Austro-Hungary established the Eastern Front in the Austrian territorial possession of Galicia, which is now part of western Ukraine. In June 1916, the Russian Army launched the Brusilov offensive, inflicting approximately one million casualties on the German and Austrian armies. I suspect that few if any members of the E.U. Parliament even know about the Brusilov offensive.

In 1941, intoxicated by his easy victory in France, Hitler decided to launch Operation Barbarossa, thereby committing the German Army to the same misery the French had suffered in 1812. German Chief of Staff, Franz Halder, strongly advised him against it, but the “Little Corporal from Austria” refused to listen to him.

Now we come to Ursula von der Leyen’s Nov. 25, 2025 speech before the EU Parliament in Strasbourg, which may be the most nonsensical address ever uttered in the history of Europe.

Ursula’s paternal line is from the Electorate of Hanover, whose House of Hanover produced Mad King George III and his imbecilic sons George IV and “Silly Billy” King William IV.

Ursula is able to persist in making ruinous decisions for Europe because she is never held accountable for any of them.

During the pandemic she had private discussions by text message with Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla (see Did Ursula von der Leyen & Albert Bourla Mix Business with Pleasure?) to poison all of Europe with his mRNA shot. To this day, she has never been compelled to disclose these messages to the public. She also recently Likened Free Speech to an Infectious Disease.

Now she wants to keep the war going in Ukraine and to continue sending EU taxpayer money to the corrupt, larcenist, money-laundering dictatorship in Kiev.

President Trump should tell her that it is simply not in the interest of the United States to keep this war going with Russia, and that he and he alone is going to negotiate with the Russians to end it.

While he’s at it, he should remind dunderhead Chancellor Merz that the U.S. still has 35,000 armed men stationed in Germany to prevent its government from doing stupid things like starting another war with Russia.

Increasingly, it seems to me that Europe’s “leaders”—Starmer, Macron, Merz, and von der Leyen—perceive that they need to keep the war with Russia going for their own political survival.

I wonder if they are afraid that—if the Zelensky regime collapses and Zelensky is obliged to join his “wallet,” Timur Mindich, in fleeing to Israel—the precise mechanics of their participation in this monstrously corrupt enterprise will be revealed.

The reality of the war in Ukraine is that Russia was deliberately and systematically baited into launching its military operation. The purpose of this Russian Bear Baiting was to bleed Russia and to provide Western “leaders” with a pretext for:

1). Diverting attention from the COVID-19 fiasco that they themselves created.

2). Destroying the Nord Stream Pipeline to promote the U.S. LNG industry.

3). Looting their treasuries and enriching their cronies in the military-industrial complex.

4). Destroying Russia, whose increasing power as an independent nation state has long been a matter of sore resentment for the Satanic globalists who wish to acquire dominion over the entire earth.

5). Seizing Russian mineral assets to collateralize another round of enormous credit expansion in the West, whose governments are now insolvent.

***

Transcript of the Speech taken from the European Commission website

President Metsola,

Minister Bjerre,

Honourable Members,

I want to start this debate not in Geneva but in Ternopil – a city in Western Ukraine nearer to the Polish border than it is to Kyiv. In the early hours of one morning last week, a storm of Russian drones and missiles rained down. The sheer force of the attacks leading to an inferno erupting. In the burning wreckage laid injured victims and more than 30 dead – innocent men, women and children. Children like Amelka. A seven-year-old girl from Poland who was in second grade at the local school. Amelka died in her mother’s arms. Both of them killed in a mindless and callous act of brutality. On behalf of the Commission and – I am sure – all of us in this House today, I want to start by paying my respect and deepest condolences to all those mourning the victims of Ternopil – and right across Ukraine.

Over more than three and a half years into this war of aggression, this is the daily reality on the ground. And it shows that we can never lose sight of what Ukraine is sacrificing. What Ukraine is fighting for – its security, its freedom, its independence. Because ultimately this is what is at stake in these crucial days for Ukraine and for Europe. Basically, the core and values of the UN Charter. This is why Europe must keep up the pressure on Russia – until there is a just and lasting peace. And I want to be clear from the very outset: Europe will stand with Ukraine and support Ukraine every step of the way.

Honourable Members,

Russia’s playbook has not changed. From the start Russia has always believed that they can outlast Ukraine, Europe and all of its allies. And it is why every time there is serious progress towards negotiations that can bring about a real peace – the violence escalates. We have seen this before. This is a pattern. And the noises from the Kremlin in the last few days say a lot about its real intentions. For them, Ukraine remains a first step in a much bigger game. For Russia, any peace deal is about permanently redrawing maps. It is about returning to great power relations and spheres of influence. But for Ukraine – and for Europe – any peace agreement is about creating a just and lasting peace. Peace that stops this conflict and does not sow the seeds for new future conflicts. And it is about ensuring a strong and sustainable security architecture for our continent. One that is underpinned by a strong Europe, a strong NATO and a strong transatlantic partnership. And that is what we will defend alongside Ukraine and our allies every step of the way.

Honourable Members,

A just and lasting peace. This is what we all want. And this is why Europe supports all efforts to build that peace for Ukraine. A peace that stops the killing. One that avoids setting a dangerous precedent. One that guarantees Ukraine’s security and its sovereign rights in the long term. And that ensures a robust security architecture for Europe. This is why we welcome the efforts led by President Trump. After months of discussions, it is important that the work on an actual text started. Of course, we know that more effort is needed. But I believe – thanks to the work of Ukraine, the United States and us Europeans over the last few days in Geneva – we now have a starting point. Our united front, our single voice and our shared sense of purpose must continue to guide the work at European level. And I would like to outline some of the core priorities for Europe as we work with Ukraine, the United States and the Coalition of the Willing on the way forward.

The first priority is that any agreement should deliver a just and lasting peace. And it should ensure real security for Ukraine and Europe. As a sovereign nation, there can be no limitations on Ukraine’s armed forces that would leave the country vulnerable to future attacks. And this is as much about deterrence as it is about Europe’s security. Because Ukraine’s security is Europe’s security. So Ukraine needs robust, long-term and credible security guarantees as part of a wider package to dissuade and deter any future attacks from Russia. And it is equally clear that any peace agreement needs to ensure that European security is guaranteed for the long-term.

Second priority – upholding Ukraine’s sovereignty. We know that Russia’s mindset has not changed since the days of Yalta. Seeing our continent in terms of spheres of influence. So we need to be clear that there cannot be unilateral carving up of a sovereign European nation. And that borders cannot be changed by force. If today we legitimise and formalise the undermining of borders – we open the doors for more wars tomorrow. And we cannot let his happen.

Sovereignty also means being able to choose your own future. Ukraine has chosen a European destiny. That has already led to partial integration in our Single Market and our defence industrial base. And this is only the start of a journey. Europe’s future is bound to Ukraine’s future. And therefore, Ukraine’s future lies in the European Union. This is not only a matter of destiny. This is a core and essential part of any security guarantee framework. And we will do everything we can to deliver on it together.

Third priority – securing Ukraine’s financial needs. In the absence of any real intent of Russia to engage in peace talks, it is clear that we need to support Ukraine to defend itself. And that starts by ensuring that they have the necessary financial means. In the last European Council, we committed ourselves to cover the financial needs of Ukraine for 2026 and 2027. On this topic we, the Commission, have presented an options paper. This includes an option on immobilized Russian assets. The next step is that the Commission is ready to present the legal text. And, Honourable Members, to be very clear – I cannot see any scenario in which the European taxpayers alone will pay the bill. This is also not acceptable. And another thing must also be clear – any decision on this needs to be taken in line with the rules of the responsible jurisdictions and will respect European and international law.

The fourth priority – whatever the design of a future peace treaty, it is clear that much of the implementation will come down to the European Union and the NATO partners. Whether on security guarantees, sanctions, financing of Ukraine’s reconstruction, integration in the Single Market, or EU membership. One principle has been accepted: Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. Nothing about Europe without Europe. Nothing about NATO without NATO.

The last priority I would like to focus on is one that cannot be forgotten – and that is the return of each and every Ukrainian child abducted by Russia. There are tens of thousands of boys and girls whose fate is unknown. Trapped by Russia in Russia. We will not forget them. There are thousands of mothers and fathers who have never stopped hoping and never stopped fighting to bring their children back. And Europe will never give up in helping to make that happen.

Honourable Members,

The days ahead are fraught with danger – first and foremost for the people of Ukraine who continue to face the daily barrage of attacks. Yes, the situation is complex. Yes, the situation is volatile. Yes, the situation is dangerous. But I believe there is also an opportunity here to make real progress. So far, we have seen no signs from Russia of true willingness to end this conflict. So we have to keep up the pressure on Russia. But it is also our duty to engage with any and all efforts that can bring about a just and lasting peace. We know it will not be easy. But we have to find a way to move forward. To find a way to stop the killing. To help Ukraine rebuild and reconstruct. To return the children and reunite families. We have to find a way to provide lasting security for Ukraine – and for our Continent as a whole. And above all, Honourable Members, to forge a better future – a European future and for Ukraine.

Long live Europe.

*

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